Actions, not hollow promises, matter for Cuban and Venezuelan political prisoners | Opinion

The United States has rightfully pushed for the release of political prisoners in Venezuela and Cuba, not as a humanitarian gesture but because it’s what responsible governments naturally do.

But it’s also important because it indicates the type of partner these nations would be for the United States — either trustworthy and committed to basic democratic rights that ensure stability or duplicative, manipulative and autocratic.

Political prisoners are individuals detained by a government for exercising their fundamental rights, such as freedom to speak, worship and associate. Releasing political prisoners should be one of the first and most foundational steps a nation takes to show reform; it’s inexpensive, can be done in a matter of minutes and is a sign of a leader’s political will, not their capacity to actually release them.

And yet, we see regimes in both Venezuela and Cuba using political prisoner releases merely as a tool to gain favor with the United States. Both are counting on the United States taking its eye off this stated requirement or being distracted by regime smoke and mirrors. The United States shouldn’t be fooled by the actions or nature of either regime and should instead demand the prisoners’ full, unconditional, immediate release as a precondition for continued engagement.

Despite the Cuban regime’s longstanding assertion that it doesn’t hold political prisoners, it said on March 12 it would let 51 go under a deal brokered by the Catholic Church. It has thus far released just 20. The Cuban regime stated April 2 that it would free another 2,010 prisoners as a “humanitarian gesture” during Holy Week. According to Anamely Ramos Gonzalez, a leading Cuban human rights activist, and initial reports, the regime is releasing only common criminals, leaving political prisoners to languish in jail. This bait-and-switch shouldn’t be lost on the United States.

Cuba still holds 1,200 political prisoners — activists, journalists, artists and others — according to the Spanish human rights organization Prisoners Defenders. The regime’s statements and actions are calculated, and it’s calibrating its repression to satisfy the United States in the short term while it secures its long-term political survival. That doesn’t describe a stable partner that the United States can work with.

Venezuela is a similar case. Acting President Delcy Rodríguez — like her old boss, Nicolás Maduro — has been playing a game with the United States on political prisoners, not only slow-dripping the release of current ones but also imprisoning new ones.

Rodríguez has reluctantly opened the tap to free political prisoners when it benefits her, while failing to make good on her late January promise to let all political prisoners go.

At the same time, Rodríguez has continued Maduro-like repression under her tenure. According to a March 12 statement by María Eloísa Quintero, member of the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, some 87 people have been newly and unjustly detained since Maduro’s capture. Some have been released, but others remain imprisoned under Rodríguez’s leadership. The report’s title sums up the situation well: “Venezuela’s repressive state apparatus remains ‘intact’ despite leadership change.”

Rodríguez has surrounded herself with former Maduro figures, many of whom are indicted or sanctioned by the United States and complicit in political imprisonment. She recently replaced her defense minister with General Gustavo González López, also sanctioned by the United States for human rights, corruption and democracy issues.

Last week, the United States lifted sanctions on Delcy Rodríguez, allowing her to work more closely with American companies. According to Foro Penal, a leading Venezuelan human rights organization that tracks abuses,490 political prisoners remain unjustly detained.

The United States will continue to play a big role in Cuba and Venezuela in the future. The United States will help determine whether these two countries become stable, democratic, trustworthy partners or remain kleptocratic, autocratic regimes that simply appease — or exploit — the United States more effectively.

How Cuba and Venezuela choose to treat their own citizens and make good on their promises to the United States will be a key indicator of what type of partner we can expect.

Nicole Bibbins Sedaca is the Kelly and David Pfeil Fellow at the George W. Bush Institute.