During his campaign for Florida’s 26th congressional district, Rep.-elect Carlos Curbelo wasn’t shy about collecting thousands of dollars of campaign contributions from individuals directly tied to corporations that benefited from his vote on the Miami-Dade School Board.
Curbelo’s campaign finance reports filed with the Federal Elections Commission show that two dozen people who own or work for companies doing business with Miami-Dade Public Schools gave generously to the Miami Republican’s successful run against incumbent Democrat Joe Garcia.
The companies included charter schools, utility companies, food suppliers and lobbying firms.
In all, Curbelo’s campaign received $60,700 from School Board vendor interests.
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Owners and executives of six firms that had contracts renewed by the School Board over the past two years contributed much of that money, $24,300. Curbelo cast a yes vote in support of each of those firms, records show.
In addition, owners and employees of eight other School Board vendors with no business pending at that time gave $36,400 to Curbelo’s campaign.
Curbelo’s reliance on political contributions from School Board vendors creates the appearance of undue influence that government watchdogs say underscores the need to enact laws at the local, state and federal levels to prohibit such donations.
“There are pay-to-play laws where this type of scenario is limited or banned,” said Sheila Krumholz, executive director of the Center for Responsive Politics based in Washington, D.C. “It’s something that certainly merits scrutiny.”
Curbelo, who relinquished his School Board seat this month in advance of next month’s swearing in, did not return requests for comment left on his cellphone’s voicemail. Campaign spokeswoman Nicole Rapanos did not respond to emails with a list of questions for the congressman-elect.
Some jurisdictions already have laws aimed at curtailing “pay-to-play” political contributions.
In 2006, New Jersey enacted a law prohibiting city and county government agencies (school districts are not included) from awarding no-bid contracts to companies whose owners or employees have made political contributions to a candidate or a political committee. The law does not apply to contracts that are awarded in a “fair and open” bidding process.
Locally, Miami Beach enacted a tough vendor ban on political contributions in 2003. City candidates cannot accept donations from developers, lobbyists, company executives or their employees if they have business pending with Miami Beach government. They remain free, however, to contribute money to political action committees and electioneering communications organizations.
Krumholz says that laws eliminating “pay-to-play” political contributions are the kind of campaign finance reform that restores public trust in the electoral process. In Curbelo’s case, she said, it would eliminate the perception that he’s beholden to companies conducting business with Miami-Dade Public Schools.
Vendors such as charter schools could also benefit at the federal level now that Curbelo is a congressman, she said.
“It’s never a bad idea to court a sitting member of Congress,” Krumholz said. “Presumably, he can be useful to them in his new position since they already have a cordial relationship based on the contributions they have given.”
Curbelo won a bitter, close race against Garcia that was marked by attacks on both candidates’ character and integrity. On the campaign trail, Garcia often accused Curbelo with being more concerned about lining his own pockets than serving the people. Garcia, who served the last two years in Congress, cited Curbelo’s unwillingness to disclose the client list for his lobbying and public relations firm Capitol Gains, as well as the political contributions he got from companies doing business with Miami-Dade Public Schools.
Curbelo’s campaign has run afoul of campaign finance reporting requirements. Last month, the Federal Elections Commission sent Curbelo’s campaign a warning letter asking it to explain numerous mistakes and inaccuracies in its October filing, including why it had misidentified or omitted $93,000 in contributions from political action committees.
In a response to the FEC, the campaign blamed the mistakes on a software glitch.
Curbelo’s campaign finance reports, School Board meeting minutes and contracts show he collected contributions from people who own or manage firms with matters before the School Board. The contributions were made a few weeks before or a few weeks after Curbelo cast his vote in favor.
For instance, four executives from Academica, which operates more than a dozen charter schools in Florida, each gave $2,600 — the maximum an individual can give a candidate per election — to Curbelo’s campaign. Those executives were President Fernando Zulueta, Vice President Ignacio Zulueta, Senior Vice President Magdalena Fresen and Marketing Director Victor Barroso. The Zuluetas and Fresen gave the same day, Sept. 30, 2013. Barroso gave on Aug. 1, 2013.
Six months earlier, Curbelo was among School Board members who voted unanimously to approve contracts for five new charter schools operated by Academica, including elementary and middle schools at 9500 SW 97th Ave. opposed by the East Kendall Homeowners Federation. The federation is a coalition of condo and town home associations in southwestern Miami-Dade.
According to a May 9, 2013, story in the Miami Herald, neighbors contacted board members before the vote to ask them to reject the schools or at least hold off the vote until the county decided whether to approve a rezoning application submitted by Academica.
“We believe that by the School Board approving these applications you will be putting the cart before the horse, keeping in mind that the approval process from Miami-Dade County has a long way to go,” wrote Jose Suarez, president of the homeowners federation.
Curbelo told the Herald state law prevented the School Board from denying the contract based simply on neighborhood opposition. “We have a ministerial function here,” Curbelo said. “If the entity complies by the law we must approve the charter.”
Two months later, on June 19, 2013, the board, including Curbelo, approved more contracts with Academica regarding a new charter school and renewals for eight existing charter schools.
The Zuluetas referred comment to Fresen, who said the contributions to Curbelo’s campaign were unrelated to Academica’s business relationship with Miami-Dade Public Schools.
“Academica respects the rights of individuals to participate in and support the electoral process and believes that is essential to our democratic system,” Fresen said.
Curbelo also received $2,600 each from Demetrio Perez and Jonathan Hage, owners of two other charter school companies with Miami-Dade schools contracts.
On March 12, Curbelo and seven other school board members voted to extend from five to 15 years the contract for an elementary school in downtown Miami operated by Hage’s Charter Schools USA. Two months later, the board, including Curbelo, voted to approve adding five years to a 10-year contract with Perez’s Lincoln-Marti Schools.
School Board vendors that supply vending machines, children’s lunches, tutoring and electrical services also gave to Curbelo’s campaign.
One of those is Hialeah-based AGC Electric. On Sept. 3, 2013, the board, including Curbelo, approved a $4 million contract for electrical services that was split among nine firms, including Hialeah-based AGC.
AGC owner Tomas Curbelo gave Carlos Curbelo’s campaign a total of $5,200 for the primary and general elections in 2013. Tomas Curbelo did not return a phone message left with one of his employees. It is not known whether the two men are related.
Marcel Monnar owns the tutoring company One-on-One Learning. On Sept. 20, 2013, he gave Curbelo’s campaign $1,000. Sixteen days later, Curbelo voted with other board members to award a $3.4 million tutoring services contract among five firms, including One-on-One Learning.
Monnar did not return a phone call seeking comment.
Curbelos’ campaign also received $3,000 from the International Pizza Hut Franchisee Holders Association’s political action committee.
Koning Restaurants International, one of the largest Pizza Hut franchisees in the country, is one of eight pizza makers under contract with Miami-Dade Public Schools.
Koning’s owner, Al Salas, did not return a phone message seeking comment.
Pizza Hut had no apparent school board contracts at stake in the last two years.
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