Think the automatic budget cuts Congress ordered at the beginning of March — the so-called sequester — haven’t caused any pain yet?
Judging from the squeals we’re hearing from members of Congress whose districts are threatened by cuts, the effects are intolerable.
The complaints from Democrats, who never wanted the sequester to go into effect, were predictable. But some of the complaining comes from Republicans who welcomed the sequester as an overdue act of belt-tightening.
Tea Party Rep. Steve Stockman, R-Texas, has decried cuts to the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, which he called “one of the few legitimate functions of government.” (The Johnson Space Center, with about 3,000 civilian employees, happens to be in his Houston-area district.) The sequester, Stockman warned, could put all Americans in danger — by hampering NASA’s work to protect the Earth from asteroids.
Rep. Joe Wilson, R-S.C., who became famous for shouting “You lie!” at President Obama during the 2010 State of the Union address, has argued that a big nuclear reprocessing plant in his district should be spared. Rep. Blake Farenthold, R-Texas, has suggested that all civilian defense employees, including the thousands in his Gulf Coast district, should be exempted from the threat of furloughs.
And dozens of Republicans from rural areas have protested the Federal Aviation Administration’s plans to close control towers at 173 small airports, arguing that the needs of plane-flying farmers should come before competing priorities.
It’s funny how budget cuts seem more palatable when they affect someone else.
To be fair, not all these protests qualify for the label of first-class hypocrisy. Wilson never supported the sequester; like many GOP defense hawks, he wanted deeper domestic cuts and fewer defense cuts. And there have been profiles in spending-cut courage too, like Rep. John Campbell, R-Calif., who says military contractors in his area will just have to get by with less business, and Rep. Jeff Miller, R-Fla., who says the Navy’s decision to cancel appearances by the Pensacola-based Blue Angels was worth the $20 million savings despite the pain for his district.
Still, it was striking that one of Congress’ rare moments of bipartisan cooperation came last week as the Senate and the House acted together to avoid an unnecessary government shutdown at the end of the month — and, along the way, to undo some of the most painful effects of their own sequester.
The two houses voted with unusual efficiency to transfer money (within the sequester’s limits) to prevent furloughs among meat inspectors, which could have caused hardship for ranchers and price spikes for consumers, and to restore funding for tuition subsidies for the military.
Both were causes that attracted bipartisan support. But both votes also reflected a return to politics as usual. They were choices among competing priorities — and, as usual, the squeakiest wheels won.
Nobody’s opposed to meat inspection — at least, nobody admits to opposing it. But all Congress’ action means is that the Agriculture Department now has to take that money from less-urgent programs, the kind of choice legislators should have made all along.
Likewise, nobody’s against helping members of the military get continuing education (although serious questions have been raised over whether for-profit colleges give the troops good value for their federal money). Still, the roughly $700 million annual cost of the tuition program is money that now must be subtracted from other Pentagon priorities.