Scarabeo-9 is en route Cuban to waters, 70 miles from Florida. This mobile offshore drilling unit (MODU) is a Chinese-built, Spanish-owned oil rig set to drill for oil along Cuba’s northern coast. Cuba is counting on offshore drilling to wean itself from Venezuelan energy dependence. Experts estimate Cuba’s continental shelf contains 5 to 20 billion barrels of oil and more than 8 billion cubic feet of natural gas.

Cuba’s plans raise red flags. The Scarabeo-9 drilling scenario is a reprise of Deepwater, with similar drilling depth and distance from U.S. shores, and a worst-case discharge even higher than Macondo. An oil blowout in Cuban waters could send crude to the beaches of Florida, Georgia, and South Carolina.

Repsol, a Spanish company, is running the show. Unlike BP, Repsol is not subject to U.S. law. Although Repsol has a strong record, it is not accountable to U.S. citizens in a disaster. Another cause for concern is that U.S. sanctions against Cuba prohibit U.S. companies from drilling in Cuba, supplying equipment to or effecting safety regulations in Cuba, or even responding to an oil spill in its waters.

Cuba’s pollution response capability is unknown. The Deepwater Horizon response was the largest and most sophisticated in history, but was conducted on site before the oil reached shore, with hundreds of vessels, thousands of responders, and state of the art technology. Waiting until oil coats America’s beaches is too late.

Responses off Cuba are particularly challenging. The surface currents are three to four times faster than off Florida’s Panhandle. Skimming oil or burning it may not be possible. Dispersants, which break down oil for biodegradation, may be the only option, but must be applied at the source within 96 hours. Otherwise, slicks could overwhelm coastal containment booms, which are damaging to the coral reefs, marshes, and sea grass of the Southeast. Getting to the oil at the well head, as was done in Deepwater, will be the key to preventing massive oil onshore.

Yet instead of working directly with Cuba to prepare, the U.S. is restrained by sanctions policy. This needs to end. Repsol is only the first to develop the hydrocarbon potential of the region. Cuba is already negotiating contracts with Russia, Brazil, China, and India to lease major portions of its waters.

Preparation is key. Domestically, the Coast Guard and other federal agencies have been planning and exercising with state counterparts and oil spill response organizations.

• It is time to incorporate Cuba, as the U.S. does throughout the Caribbean, Mexico, and Canada, where operational agreements specify routine exercises, emergency response coordination, communication protocols, and joint operations.

• Next, the U.S. government should work through sanction hurdles. The offshore gas and oil industry in the U.S. is the best source for remotely operated submersibles and undersea containment technologies. Currently, no U.S. companies are authorized to cap wells or conduct relief drilling in Cuba waters. Licensing cannot wait. Now is the time to issue an export only industry-wide general license for oil spill response in Cuba waters — not in the maelstrom of a crisis.

• Finally, the U.S. must properly fund a response. Lawmakers should amend the Oil Pollution Act to make all foreign sources of pollution responsible like BP was in Deepwater, and to cover third party damage claims. Caps must also be raised. At $50 million a fiscal year, the first three days of the Deepwater Horizon response would have exhausted the coffers had BP not paid.

The U.S. will examine Scarabeo-9 before it reaches Cuban waters, and the government of Cuba participates in multi-lateral maritime safety conferences. These are important steps, but not enough. Deepwater Horizon occurred despite well-exercised and coordinated response plans, superior technology, and an optimal legal framework. Ignoring these issues with Cuban drilling risks an even greater catastrophic disaster.

Capt. Melissa Bert, U.S. Coast Guard, is a visiting fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and a member of the Florida Bar. She was formerly stationed in Miami for eight years.