Asked if Casey had lied in his House committee testimony Wednesday, one Senate committee source said, "I can't be sure because I don't know for sure what he told the House. But if he said what I'm hearing he said -- ask me that same question next Tuesday."

Rep. Peter Kostmayer, D-Pa., said Casey told the committee that the diverted money was not funneled through Swiss bank accounts set up by the CIA to finance secret operations. Casey said that $12.2 million was deposited into the accounts as payment for the arms, but said that sum represented the actual price of the weapons, Kostmayer said.

COMMENT DISPUTED

Solarz emerged from the session saying he now believes that President Reagan was aware of the diversion of the money to the contras. "I'm very comfortable with the conclusion that the president must have known about the decision to divert these resources, " Solarz said.

But his comments were attacked by both Republicans and Democrats who said that Casey's testimony gave no grounds for concluding that Reagan was involved in the diversion. Rep. Edward Feighan, D-Ohio, called Solarz's assertions "thoroughly irresponsible." And Rep. Michael DeWine, R-Ohio, said, "There is absolutely no evidence that would link the president . . . to any of these illegal activities."

Casey, according to sources, provided the lawmakers with more details about the origin of the CIA's involvement in the arms shipments to Iran.

Casey said that former National Security Council aide Oliver North contacted the CIA in late November 1985 and requested the agency's help in transferring "oil-drilling equipment" from Israel to Iran, sources said. The CIA provided the services of Southern Air Transport, an airline with connections to the CIA, sources said.

Sources said that when the CIA learned that the cargo was not oil equipment but an arms shipment, the agency's deputy director at the time, John McMahon, informed the National Security Council staff that the CIA would not be involved with such shipments again without the president's specific approval.

That concern prompted Reagan on Jan. 17 to authorize, in writing, the secret policy of sending U.S. arms to Iran, lawmakers said.

"What prompted the CIA to ask for the findings, which were issued by the White House on Jan. 17, was . . . what turned out to be an arms shipment to Iran, " one legislator said.

Another said Casey was asked whether he felt that North had lied to the CIA by not disclosing the nature of the shipment from Israel to Iran. Casey's response, according to the legislator, was: "I didn't say he was lying. He might have made a mistake."

North was fired in November upon the disclosure by Meese that up to $30 million in profits from the arms sales had been diverted to the contras -- a possible violation of a congressional ban against lethal aid for the rebels.

AT ODDS WITH MCFARLANE

One source said Casey appeared to refute testimony earlier this week by former national security adviser Robert McFarlane, who told lawmakers that Reagan orally authorized in August 1985 the indirect shipment of U.S. arms to Iran from Israel. McFarlane said the oral authorization allowed Israel to ship arms to Iran in 1985 before the Jan. 17 authorization by Reagan legalized U.S. arms shipments to Iran.

Casey said any such authorization in August of 1985 would have had to have been in writing and the source said Casey said he was not aware of any such authorization. His statement supports the position of White House officials, who have said that Reagan did not authorize indirect arms shipments in August of 1985.

Several lawmakers said that Casey indicated that the CIA had not pushed Reagan to authorize arms shipments, either directly or indirectly.

Rep. Robert Dornan, R-Calif., when asked if the CIA was the main proponent of the arms shipments, replied, "No way."

Dornan also said that he had questioned Casey about whether he intends to remain in his post, over the objections of some lawmakers who have called for his resignation. Dornan said Casey said he would "absolutely" stay.

In other developments, former national security adviser John Poindexter appeared before the House Intelligence Committee and once again refused to answer questions, invoking his Fifth Amendment rights against self-incrimination.

Rep. Lee Hamilton, D-Ind., chairman of the panel, said that one of the main areas of inquiry that remains for Congress is tracking the flow of money from the Iranian arms sales to the Nicaraguan contras.

"I still don't have a clear understanding how the money flowed here, " said Hamilton. "I could not trace the flow of funds."

Senate Intelligence Committee Chairman David Durenberger, R-Minn., expressed similar concerns Tuesday, saying his panel had not yet been able to track down the money.

Said Kostmayer: "There is a tangled web of worldwide financial relationships which will require accountants, more than congressmen, to separate it all out. And I think it will take some time."